Military occupation is a recurrent feature of modern international politics and yet has received little attention from political scientists. This book, newly available in paperback, sets out to remedy this neglect, offering: *an account of military occupation as a form of government *an assessment of key trends in the development of military occupations over the last two centuries *an explanation the conceptual and practical difficulties encountered by occupiers *examples drawn from, amongst others, the First and Second World Wars, US occupations in Latin America and Japan, the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, and the current occupation of Iraq. After a survey of the evolving practice and meaning of military occupation the book deals with its contested definitions, challenging restrictive approaches that disguise the true extent of the incidence of military occupation. Subsequent chapters explain the diverse forms that military government within occupation regimes take on and the role of civilian governors and agencies within occupation regimes; the significance of military occupation for our understanding of political obligation; the concept of sovereignty; the nature and meaning of justice; and our evaluation of regime transformation under conditions of military occupation.
Himadeep Muppidi's book traces the subtle influence of colonial forms of knowledge on modern schools of international relations and follows the translation and transformation of this knowledge within post colonial settings. Concentrating on the way in which individuals and institutions read their historical past in light of contemporary criticisms and concerns, Muppidi finds that certain methods for discussing or representing the colonized have become acceptable while others have been condemned. Both, however, can be equally colonial in intent and purpose, and the difference in their reception lies in the 'processes of translation' that make one visible, the other invisible, and ultimately maintain the framework of a global colonial order.
Israel's murderous assault on the peace flotilla, and the continuing blockade of Gaza, has led many to despair of the official Middle East peace processA"-if it ever had been pursued in earnest, it lies in tatters after the Second Lebanon War, the Gaza War, and the continuing expansion of illegal settlements. Despite the Goldstone Report and numerous UN resolutions, the US and EU offer only the mildest rebukes in response to IDF actions, and they refuse to dampen the flow of economic and military aid to Israel. As a result of this ongoing bloodshed and diplomatic deadlock, the movement for a boycott, sanctions and divestment (BDS) campaign has been building in strength within Israel and Palestine, and is now spreading to Europe and the US. This essential intervention considers all sides of the argument-including detailed comparisons with the South African experience-and has contributions from both sides of the Separation Wall, along with a stellar list of international commentators. Contributors: Talal Asad, Mustafa Barghouti, Dalit Baum, Mirav Amir, Joel Beinin, John Berger, Judith Butler, Beshara Doumani, Marc Ellis, Neve Gordon, Rema Hammami, Ronald Kasrils, Jamal Khader, Mohammed Khatib, Naomi Klein, Ken Loach, Anat Matar, Ilan Pappe, Jonathan Pollack, Eyad al-Sarraj, Salim Tamari, Michel Warshavsky, Slavoj A iA ek.
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In this radical new book, Patrick Chabal reveals how the future of the West is now inextricably linked to that of the non-West. The rise of the economic power of China and other Asian countries as well as urgent environmental issues now force the West to think in new ways about how to best face the future. This is an issue which runs far deeper than present debates on the decline of the West might suggest. The book argues that the postcolonial challenge, from regions such as Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East, as well as the influence of citizens of non-Western origins now living in the West have combined to expose the limits of Western rationality - that is, the theories and concepts we currently use to understand and act upon the world. Discussing such provocative questions as 'Is it a good idea to build mosques in Europe?' and 'Is Beckham the new black icon?', Chabal explores the growing failure of Western social thought to explain many of our most pressing domestic social and economic issues. He also discusses contentious issues in international relations, such as the spread of democracy and the protection of human rights. He concludes that, ultimately, what the West needs is not more and better theory but an entirely new way of thinking - one that will put an end to its current deep-seated conceit.
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The most dangerous corner of Africa is its north-eastern Horn where instability reigns and terrorism thrives on the antagonisms of all it governments. The Horn of Africa comprising Ethiopia,Sudan and now South Sudan,Somalia,Djibouti,Eritrea,and stretching to include Kenya and Uganda, is a pivotal geopolitical pressure point in world politics.It stands at the hinge of Africa and the Middle East.It was of vital interest to the superpowers during the Cold War,attracting constant and unprofitable intervention.In the post-Cold War period regional political chaos,including failed states,terrorism and international piracy,has struck the death blow to the ambitions of the International Community's New World Order. The problems of the Horn,political,ideological,religious and ethnic, are compounded by natural disasters of widespread drought and famine,and have invited intervention by governments and NGOs.Tony Blair in his speech on the 'Doctrine of the International Community' referred to the suffering of Africa as 'a scar on the conscience of humanity'.But the New World Order's aim of 'good governance'-free elections,a free press,independent judiciary,recognition of human rights,gender equality and effective government free of corruption- seems as far off as ever. Of the many striking examples perhaps Somalia stands out as a failed state- and predatory state to the majority of its peoples-and as a seat of international terror and a society which has even spawned the present scourge of international piracy.International attention on the Horn is not limited to altruism in face of suffering with the burgeoning economic superpowers,China and India,exploiting mineral and land resources.So international rivalry-a traditional factor in the Horn's instability-will continue to haunt both its peoples and the international community. Peter Woodward's survey of the history, and regional and international relations of the Horn of Africa shows the crises have deep historical roots predating present state boundaries. These have been shaped by imperialism, sharpened by independence and by the Cold War. Chaos in the Horn has frustrated the ambitions of the post-Cold War's New World Order. This book is essential reading for all students of history, international relations and policy planners.
Sex and World Peace unsettles a variety of assumptions in political and security discourse, demonstrating that the security of women is a vital factor in the security of the state and its incidence of conflict and war. The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and color maps. Harnessing an immense amount of data, they call attention to discrepancies between national laws protecting women and the enforcement of those laws, and they note the adverse effects on state security of abnormal sex ratios favoring males, the practice of polygamy, and inequitable realities in family law, among other gendered aggressions. The authors find that the treatment of women informs human interaction at all levels of society. Their research challenges conventional definitions of security and democracy and shows that the treatment of gender, played out on the world stage, informs the true clash of civilizations. In terms of resolving these injustices, the authors examine top-down and bottom-up approaches to healing wounds of violence against women, as well as ways to rectify inequalities in family law and the lack of parity in decision-making councils. Emphasizing the importance of an R2PW, or state responsibility to protect women, they mount a solid campaign against women's systemic insecurity, which effectively unravels the security of all.
The ten years of US foreign policy since 9/11 have been characterised by war, torture and rendition. In Power and Terror, Noam Chomsky places these developments in the context of America's long history of aggression and imperialism. Arguing that the US is responsible for much of the terror that it claims to be fighting, Chomsky elegantly explains US actions abroad and their deadly consequences. Including talks, question and answer sessions and unpublished essays, this collection offers the perfect introduction to Chomsky for those unfamiliar with his work, as well as a handy reference guide for seasoned activists. As Obama continues, and in some ways escalates, Bush's militarism, Power and Terror is a timely reminder of why it is so important to insist that the United States lives up to the moral standards it demands of others.
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War in the post-9/11 world is far different from what we expected it be. Counterinsurgency and protracted guerrilla warfare, not shock and awe, are the order of the day. David Kilcullen is the world's foremost expert on this way of war, and in The Accidental Guerrilla, the Senior Counterinsurgency Advisor to General David Petraeus in Iraq surveys war as it is actually fought in the contemporary world. Colouring his account with gripping battlefield experiences that range from the jungles and highlands of South and Southeast Asia to the mountains of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border to the dusty towns of the Middle East and the horn of Africa, The Accidental Guerrilla will, quite simply, change the way we think about war. While conventional warfare has obvious limits, Kilcullen also stresses that neither counterterrorism nor traditional counterinsurgency is the appropriate framework to fight the enemy we now face. Certainly, traditional counterinsurgency is more effective than counterterrorism when it comes to entities like Al Qaeda, but as Kilcullen contends, our current focus is far too narrow, for it tends to emphasize one geographical region and one state. The current war presents a much different situation: stateless insurgents and terrorists operating across large number of countries and only loosely affiliated with each other.
States are more likely to engage in risky and destabilizing actions such as military buildups and preemptive strikes if they believe their adversaries pose a tangible threat. Yet despite the crucial importance of this issue, we don't know enough about how states and their leaders draw inferences about their adversaries' long-term intentions. Knowing the Adversary draws on a wealth of historical archival evidence to shed new light on how world leaders and intelligence organizations actually make these assessments. Keren Yarhi-Milo examines three cases: Britain's assessments of Nazi Germany's intentions in the 1930s, America's assessments of the Soviet Union's intentions during the Carter administration, and the Reagan administration's assessments of Soviet intentions near the end of the Cold War. She advances a new theoretical framework--called selective attention--that emphasizes organizational dynamics, personal diplomatic interactions, and cognitive and affective factors. Yarhi-Milo finds that decision makers don't pay as much attention to those aspects of state behavior that major theories of international politics claim they do. Instead, they tend to determine the intentions of adversaries on the basis of preexisting beliefs, theories, and personal impressions. Yarhi-Milo also shows how intelligence organizations rely on very different indicators than decision makers, focusing more on changes in the military capabilities of adversaries. Knowing the Adversary provides a clearer picture of the historical validity of existing theories, and broadens our understanding of the important role that diplomacy plays in international security.
Canada's engagement with post-independence Africa presents a puzzle. Although Canada is recognized for its activism where Africa is concerned, critics have long noted the contradictions that underlie Canadian involvement. Focusing on the period following 2000, and by juxtaposing Jean Chretien's G8 activism with the Harper government's retreat from continental engagement, David R. Black's Canada and Africa in the New Millennium illustrates a history of consistent inconsistency in Canada's relationship with Africa. Black combines three interpretive frames to account for this record: the tradition of "good international citizenship"; Canada's role as a benign face of Western hegemonic interests in Africa; and Africa's role as the basis for a longstanding narrative concerning Canada's ethical mission in the world. To examine Africa's place in Canada's foreign policy--and Canada's place in Africa--Black focuses on G8 diplomacy, foreign aid, security assistance through peace operations and training, and the increasingly controversial impact of Canadian extractive companies. Offering an integrated account of Canada's role in sub-Saharan Africa, Black provides a way of understanding the nature and resilience of recent shifts in Canadian policy. He underscores how Africa--though marginal to Canadian interests as traditionally conceived--has served as an important marker of Canada's international role.
In September 1814, the rulers of Europe and their ministers descended upon Vienna after two decades of revolution and war. Their task was to redraw continental borders following the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire. Inevitably, all of the major decisions were made by the leading statesmen of the five 'great powers'-Castlereagh, Metternich, Talleyrand, Hardenberg and Tsar Alexander of Russia. The territorial reconstruction of Europe marks only one part of this story. Over the next seven years, Europe witnessed unrest in Germany, Britain, and France, and revolution in Latin America, Spain, Portugal, Naples, Piedmont, Greece, and Romania. Against this backdrop, the Congress of Vienna was followed by an audacious experiment in international cooperation and counter-revolution, known as the 'Congress System'. This system marked the first genuine attempt to forge an 'international order' based upon consensus rather than conflict. The goal of the Congress statesmen was to secure long-term peace and stability by controlling the pace of political change through international supervision and intervention. The fear of revolution that first gave rise to the Congress System quickly became its exclusive concern, sowing division amongst its members and ironically ensuring its collapse. Despite this failure, the Congress System had a profound influence. The reliance on diplomacy as the primary means of conflict resolution; the devotion to multilateralism; the emphasis on international organization as a vehicle for preserving peace; the use of concerted action to promote international legitimacy - all these notions were by-products of the Congress System. In this book, Mark Jarrett argues that the decade of the Congresses marked the true beginning of our modern era. Based on original research and previously unseen sources, this book provides a fresh exploration of this pivotal moment in world history.
When Lee Kuan Yew speaks, presidents, prime ministers, diplomats, and CEOs listen. Lee, the founding father of modern Singapore and its prime minister from 1959 to 1990, has honed his wisdom during more than fifty years on the world stage. Almost single-handedly responsible for transforming Singapore into a Western-style economic success, he offers a unique perspective on the geopolitics of East and West. American presidents from Richard Nixon to Barack Obama have welcomed him to the White House; British prime ministers from Margaret Thatcher to Tony Blair have recognized his wisdom; and business leaders from Rupert Murdoch to Rex Tillerson, CEO of Exxon Mobil, have praised his accomplishments. This book gathers key insights from interviews, speeches, and Lee's voluminous published writings and presents them in an engaging question and answer format. Lee offers his assessment of China's future, asserting, among other things, that "China will want to share this century as co-equals with the U.S." He affirms the United States' position as the world's sole superpower but expresses dismay at the vagaries of its political system. He offers strategic advice for dealing with China and goes on to discuss India's future, Islamic terrorism, economic growth, geopolitics and globalization, and democracy. Lee does not pull his punches, offering his unvarnished opinions on multiculturalism, the welfare state, education, and the free market. This little book belongs on the reading list of every world leader -- including the one who takes the oath of office on January 20, 2013.
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In 2013 it is possible that Israel, backed by the United States, will launch an attack on Iran. This would be a catastrophic event, risking war, bloodshed and global economic collapse. In this passionate, but rationally argued essay, the authors attempt to avert a potential global catastrophe by showing that the grounds for war do not exist, that there are no Iranian nuclear weapons, and that Iran would happily come to a table and strike a deal. They argue that the military threats aimed by the West against Iran contravene international law, and argue that Iran is a civilised country and legitimate power across the Middle East. For years Peter Oborne and David Morrison have, in their respective fields, examined the actions of our political classes and found them wanting. Now they have joined forces to make a powerful case against military action. In the wake of the Iraq war, will the politicians listen?
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This new academic and analytical book tackles the strategy of Iran's security since the new millennium, when their national security policy was reviewed to secure Iran's position. This was implemented by the newly elected President Mohammad Khatami and modified during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The importance of the period from Khatami to Ahmadinejad is that the clerical establishment of the Iranian regime, in order to maintain stability of the system, chose two strategic doctrines: firstly, they supported Khatami's 'Policy of Appeasement' - Detente - towards the West and tried to conduct reform within the system. Secondly, hard-line conservative Ahmadinejad was brought to power based on the 'Policy of Confrontation' and advocated conservative ideology, which resulted in more clashes with Western governments. This book explains the doctrine of Iran's national security in the 21st century, examining the factors related to the formulation of their national security strategy. It aims to provide a clear understanding of the nature of the clerical system's goals, their behavior patterns in a domestic environment, and the international community. This can only be made by taking into account their particular aim and the circumstances that prevailed when decisions were made and policies were formed. There are many books written on Iran which analyses the different aspects of the mullah's regime, but there are currently no books that focus on its national security doctrine. Manshour Varasteh has written Understanding Iran's National Security Doctrine to give a better understanding of the clerical regime's ambitious politics. On this basis, it is hoped this book will shed some light on the politics of Iran. It will appeal to those interested in Iran's politics.
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A simple introduction to the UN as an organization is not sufficient for the new generation. This primer aims to make readers understand the UN's historical, technological, political, and economic context in order to analyze its strengths and weaknesses in the light of proposals being made to create more workable global institutions.
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The rise of China could be the most important political development of the twenty-first century. What will China look like in the future? What should it look like? And what will China's rise mean for the rest of world? This book, written by China's most influential foreign policy thinker, sets out a vision for the coming decades from China's point of view. In the West, Yan Xuetong is often regarded as a hawkish policy advisor and enemy of liberal internationalists. But a very different picture emerges from this book, as Yan examines the lessons of ancient Chinese political thought for the future of China and the development of a "Beijing consensus" in international relations. Yan, it becomes clear, is neither a communist who believes that economic might is the key to national power, nor a neoconservative who believes that China should rely on military might to get its way. Rather, Yan argues, political leadership is the key to national power, and morality is an essential part of political leadership. Economic and military might are important components of national power, but they are secondary to political leaders who act in accordance with moral norms, and the same holds true in determining the hierarchy of the global order. Providing new insights into the thinking of one of China's leading foreign policy figures, this book will be essential reading for anyone interested in China's rise or in international relations. In a new preface, Yan reflects on his arguments in light of recent developments in Chinese foreign policy, including the selection of a new leader in 2012.
The definitive guide to the homeland security enterprise-updated with critical changes in missions, tactics, and strategies "[T]he best...The book is extremely well organized for an undergraduate class in homeland security." -Homeland Security Affairs "Homeland Security is much more than a textbook. It is an indispensable reference resource for those seeking to understand how terrorists operate and the structures and mechanisms that have been developed to respond to the magnitude of the terrorist threats confronting us." -The Washington Times Homeland Security: A Complete Guide is the authoritative guide to the history, mission, and evolution of the national homeland security enterprise, including federal, state, local, and private sector efforts. Whether you're a first responder, corporate executive, government official, or concerned citizen, this book provides a comprehensive understanding of U.S. homeland security and your own role in preparing for and responding to terrorism and disasters. Since publication of the previous edition in 2005, the Department of Homeland Security, other government agencies, and the broader homeland security enterprise have grown to cover "all hazards" and respond to emerging threats and policies. Documenting and analyzing these trends, this new edition of Homeland Security: AComplete Guide has been expanded and updated to include: New insights from the authors' close contacts with high-level government and business officials Late-breaking academic research, government reports, and examples from the field Lessons learned from foiled terror plots, natural disasters, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq The use of emerging technologies by terrorists and responders alike Controversies surrounding civil liberties, airport security, immigration, and government funding An ideal resource for academic and training classrooms, Homeland Security: A CompleteGuide includes an overview, learning objectives, source documents, discussion topic, summary, and quiz for each chapter. Updates to this edition cover Emerging threats Incident management Myths about weapons of mass destruction Hurricane Katrina's effect on homeland security Border, maritime, and aviation security Business preparedness Cybersecurity The roles of state and local government National strategy assessment Technology Domestic counterterrorism Military support Responding to natural and human-made disasters The intelligence cycle State-sponsored terrorism Protecting critical infrastructure Foiled terror attacks Public awareness Islamist and domestic extremism Security trends from colonial days to 9/11
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India Turns East tells the story of India's long and difficult journey to reclaim its status in a rapidly changing Asian environment increasingly shaped by the USChina rivalry and the uncertainties of US commitment to Asia's security. Launched by then Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao in 1992, the Look East policy initially aimed at reconnecting India with Asia's economic globalisation. As China became more assertive, Look East rapidly evolved into a comprehensive strategy with political and military dimensions and, in the past decade, has begun to attract US attention. Frederic Grare argues that, despite this rapprochement, the congruence of Indian and US objectives regarding China is not absolute. The two countries share similar concerns, but differ in their tactics as well as their thoughts about the role China should play in the emerging regional architecture. Moreover, though bilateral US policies are usually perceived positively in New Delhi, paradoxically, the multilateral dimensions of the US Rebalance to Asia policy sometimes pushes New Delhi closer to Beijing's positions than to Washington's. This important new book explores some of the possible ways out of India's 'Eastern' dilemma.
Somalia is a failed state, representing a threat to itself, its neighbours and the wider world. In recent years, it has become notorious for the piracy off its coast and the rise of Islamic extremism, opening it up as a new 'southern front' in the war on terror. At least that is how it is inevitably portrayed by politicians and in the media. Mary Harper presents the first comprehensive account of the chaos into which the country has descended and the United States' renewed involvement there. In doing so, Harper argues that viewing Somalia through the prism of al-Qaeda risks further destabilizing the country and the entire Horn of Africa, while also showing that though the country may be a failed state, it is far from being a failed society. In reality, alternative forms of business, justice, education and local politics have survived and even flourished. Provocative in its analysis, Harper shows that until the international community starts to 'get it right' the consequences will be devastating, not just for Somalia, but for the world.
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This book, newly available in paperback, presents a distinctive theoretical approach to the problem of borders in the study of global politics. It turns from current debates about the presence or absence of borders between states to consider the possibility that the concept of the border of the state is being reconfigured in contemporary political life. The author uses critical resources found in poststructuralist thought to think in new ways about the relationship between borders, security and sovereign power, drawing on a range of thinkers including Agamben, Derrida and Foucault. He highlights the necessity of a more pluralized and radicalised view of what borders are and where they might be found and uses the problem of borders to critically explore the innovations and limits of poststructuralist scholarship.
The growth of countries such as India, China, Brazil, Russia, South Africa and Kenya is generating a new landscape. The tallest buildings, biggest dams, highest-grossing movies and most advanced mobile phones are now all being made outside Europe and the United States. Countries that previously lacked polotical confidence and national pride are finding them. Is this an opportunity, or a threat? Fareed Zakaria's acclaimed bestseller, now expanded with a new afterword and throroughly updated throughout, has been heralded as the most thought-provoking book yet on our uncertain times. With lucidity, insight and imagination, he shows how the West must transform its global strategy, moving from a position of hegemony to one that recognizes this seismic power shift.
"International Relations" is the multi-disciplinary and heterogeneous study which goes to the heart of relations between states and international organisations embracing international politics, economics, political economy, diplomatic and international history. It seeks to explain the mainsprings of global politics, which is a prime field for historians and especially for political scientists and IR theory, and provides the essential intellectual underpinning of the discipline. This book features over 250 alphabetical entries covering the most important and the latest cutting-edge theory from anarchy to world systems theory. Entries include scholars, writers, concepts, principal debates, argumentation, theories, leading schools of thought, states, international bodies, conflicts and war, treaties and alliances. The coverage is global and comprehensive with substantial cross-referencing, and the extensive index serves as a major reference tool enabling readers to pick up additional important subjects from the main alphabetical entries.Clear and concise writing cuts through even the most opaque theoretical subjects and the result is an essential reference guide for students of International Relations, politics and history and will guide both specialists and general readers through the fast-changing complexities of global politics.
For many commentators and historians the announcement of the Carter Doctrine signaled the end of the British presence and the final transfer of power to the United States in the Persian Gulf. But on the ground the reality was different, after the announcement of the British leaving the Persian Gulf in 1971, formal positions were replaced by informal ones. Britain still ran much of the political, economic and military life in the lower Gulf and in the Arabian Peninsula. The transition from formal to informal empire was seamless: British influence remained large and almost paramount in the region. Margaret Thatchers premiership saw a sharp increase in British influence not only in the traditional British enclaves of the Persian Gulf sheikdoms, but surprisingly even in Saudi Arabia. The historic Al-Yamamah deal with Saudi Arabia in 1985, selling advanced fighter aircraft, was Britains largest ever arms deal. While British influence in the Gulf increased, the Americans floundered culminating in the ignominy of the Iran/Contra scandal, and the Reagan administration meekly accepting Iraqi dictator Saddam Husseins apology for attacking the USS Stark killing 34 American sailors in May 1987 payback for the Irani-American rapprochement. Tore T. Petersen sets out the policy objectives of Great Britain and the United States as they confronted the initial emergence of fundamentalist Islam, with the occupation of the Holy Mosque in Mecca and Khomeneis revolution in Iran. Research by the author in the Nixon, Carter and Reagan presidential libraries provides strong evidence for US strategy based on Nixonian foreign policy objectives, supported all the way through to the Reagan administration.
The then Labour government's efforts to promote East-West detente and to improve Anglo-Soviet relations from 1964 to 1970 have been largely overlooked; yet they were of huge significance. This book offers a major reappraisal. It challenges the caricature of Harold Wilson's rigid subservience to America, demonstrating that as a Prime Minister he intended to develop closer contacts with the Soviet leadership, and to foster co-operation on arms control, conflict resolution in Vietnam and East-West trade. It illustrates how the Labour government reconciled its policy towards the USSR and Warsaw Pact states with its alignment with the USA and NATO membership. And it concludes that Wilson's failure to improve relations between the UK and USSR was due to both the impact of crises in Vietnam, the Middle East and Czechoslovakia, and to the unwillingness of the Soviet government to alter its fundamentally adversarial attitude to the West. GERAINT HUGHES teaches at the Joint Services Command and Staff College at Shrivenham.
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